Opposition “economist” Andrew Masigan draws up a list of political reforms which should be undertaken by the next President, which to his mind, should be Leni Robredo. It is ironic because Robredo is hardly the type of President who will go against the entrenched vested interests in the country who control both politics and business. The list is what basically prevents the Philippines from joining the ranks of its more progressive ASEAN neighbors.
It is not only Masigan who has political structure reform on his mind. Eminent political strategist, Ma. Lourdes Tiquia, in her Manila Times column yesterday, talked about changing the Senate by urging the public to consider electing new faces instead of the old ones who are again running for new terms.
Masigan enumerates five areas where the reforms are badly needed.
The economy cannot be inclusive and progressive if it continues to be under the control of oligarchs. National and regional development is stunted if we continue with the political structure which has retarded it. The root cause of our problems has never been addressed simply because it is the system which maintains the status quo. In turn, the status quo has never been beneficial to the greater majority of Filipinos. It’s about time that we start addressing the root cause of our problems.
Through the years, our political system has been manipulated to one that serves the interest of the narrow elite, not the greater majority. Thus, vital reforms are either blocked or watered down since their passage railroads the interest of the rich and powerful. Nothing less than a political reboot is needed for us to harness our true economic potentials.
In what ways are our political institutions defective and what aspects need to be reformed? There are at least five.
First, in our political system, the political elite and the business elite have become one and the same. Here, it is common for the largest conglomerates to have representation in the legislature to defend and forward their interest.
It is no secret that the National People’s Coalition, in which several senators and congressmen are members, as well as the National Unity Party are backed by major corporate entities.
In the Upper House, a certain senator owns the biggest housing, water and retail conglomerate. Another senator owns a chain of hotels and casinos. One is scion to an entire free trade zone and another controls a religious sect. In Congress, numerous representatives own large companies involved in property, shipping, trading and media. In local governments, it is common for the governors and mayors, through their dummies, to hold the local franchise for mining, power, water distribution and transport services in their respective cities or provinces.
Conflict of interest is the reason why vital reforms do not see the light of day. It is why the Land Use Law (a law vital to unlock the potentials of the agricultural sector) is blocked in the Senate. It is why the Foreign Investment Act was watered down. It is why the outdated Cabotage Law has remained in force. It is why the Full Disclosure Policy Bill cannot gain traction, just to name a few. The absence of these laws has made the Philippines economically uncompetitive. But it serves the purpose of the political and business elite.
Second, the executive, legislative and judicial branches have ceased to serve as a check and balance of the other. Rather, the executive branch has subsumed the judiciary and the legislative branches to bend to its will without consequence.
The executive branch has distorted the system of check and balance by appointing its own ombudsman and members of the Supreme Court. It controls senators and congressmen by having the last say on their budget insertions. Legislators who refuse to cooperate are left out of the money train and chain of influence.
The strong hand of Malacañang over the legislative branch is why the anti-terrorism law passed even if parts of it are excessive and unconstitutional. It is why the national budget is designed to forward the political agenda of the executive branch, among others.
Malacañang’s control over the judicial branch is why the ombudsman acts as the private lawyer of the President, not the legal arbiter of government officials. It is why the Supreme Court is quick to convict the political enemies of the President. It is why Comelec is unable to decide on the disqualification case of Marcos on its own and why the judiciary allows itself to be used by power players who wish to hijack lucrative national and regional franchises and major infrastructure projects.
Third, partisan politics have dominion over principles when deliberating laws. The legislators side with the powers that be simply because there, their bread is buttered.
This is why the majority of the legislature supported the non-renewal of ABS-CBN’s franchise despite the 11,000 jobs to be lost during the pandemic and its role in disseminating information.
Fourth, the pervasiveness of political dynasties. In the Senate, 15 out of the 24 members belong to political dynasties, as are 70 percent of the members of Congress. Among local governments, 73 out of 80 provinces are controlled by political dynasties.
When members of the same family occupy multiple positions within a city or municipality, they consolidate power in a pseudo monarchial manner. The preservation of power becomes the priority, even more important than social and economic development itself. Painful reforms and unpopular decisions are avoided and adoption of populist policies becomes the norm.
Among political dynasties, politics is the “family business” and the name of the game is to retain power at all costs. This is why ill-prepared family members become mayors and governors while the man with a doctorate degree is edged out. This partly explains the low quality of governance.
Fifth, the abysmally low qualifications required to qualify for an elected position. Unlike progressive countries like Singapore whose main qualification to be prime minister is to have at least five years experience as CEO of a company with SG$500 million in revenues; in the Philippines, all you need to be is a 40+-year-old Filipino who is able to read and write. The same low qualifications are true for senators, congressmen and local government officials.
What Masigan has enumerated all have basis except for the claim about ABS-CBN. A franchise is a privilege not a right. But ABS-CBN has not gone off the air. They are still broadcasting.
It is ironic that Masigan is suggesting that these reforms would be possible under Leni Robredo when she hasn’t even categorically stated if she is in favor of charter change or not. For that matter, Robredo isn’t exactly the type of leader who would push for serious reforms since her oligarch-backers are known to be supportive of her solely because she is a sock-puppet who’s willing to give in to their dictates about what policy she should pursue in their favor as payback for funding her campaign.
Ms. Tiquia is more politically pragmatic in her push for structural reforms. The leadership of the House and the Senate, in the next administration, has been revealed by the powerful political personalities backing each candidate.
The lower chamber is often said to be the house of the president. Its speaker is a vote of one — that of the president. As such, even as the campaign is about to start, leading candidates for the speakership ,are also moving to ensure victory of his/her potential allies and most importantly, to deliver the votes for his/her presidential tandem. Consolidation happens as soon as or immediately after May 9. Those supporting the leading tandem, based on a series of surveys, are former speaker Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, 18th Congress Speaker Lord Velasco and Majority Leader Martin Romualdez.
The Senate, on the other hand, is quite different since it is purely a decision of 24 members with the president often respecting its independence. June 2022 will see the rise of woman power in the Senate, and based on seniority, the name of Sen. Cynthia Villar is often mentioned together with Sen. Imee Marcos while other political players are pushing for Sen. Bong Go.
There are two hot-button issues that are vital in the next administration: a shift to a parliamentary system and federalism. Any change of the 1987 Constitution will have to be done immediately so it does not suffer the way previous efforts experienced — passing from the House of Representatives but stuck at the committee level at the Senate. We hope that the 19th Congress will adopt a rule regarding continuing parliamentary status if a measure has been reported out of committee in order that the legislative mill will continue and move legislation; unlike before where everyone starts at the beginning with a new Congress.
The leadership of the House under a Marcos or Lacson Presidency is a toss-up between Martin Romualdez, Gloria Macapagal Arroyo and former Speaker Pantaleon Alvarez.
The Senate observes the seniority rule, when convenient, and that means the Senate Presidency would be a race between Cynthia Villar, Imee Marcos and Bong Go. These three aren’t actually the senior members as the real seniors are Lito Lapid and Bong Revilla. Hardly Senate President material given their propensity to be silent Senators. They have apparently taken the vow of omerta as they seem to have a physiological condition where they need to conserve their saliva or suffer from the embarrassment of being found out that there is only space between their ears.
Former NEDA Secretary-General Gerardo Sicat has identified the specific reasons why the country has never been as progressive as its ASEAN neighbors in his paper The Economic Legacy of Marcos. These can only be addressed by constitutional amendments which the Legislative is very reluctant to do so because it directly affects their economic interests and that of their oligarch-patrons.
Gerardo Sicat – The Economic Legacy of Marcos
There is no quick fix to the root cause of our problem which has bedeviled us since “independence” in 1946 and continues to the present-day because of the deep roots it has in our social structure as well.
It is that deep that there is justification to label it as the political dysfunction of the Filipino at varying levels in the social classes. But in a nutshell, it is about the entitled rich and the entitled poor, both of whom enjoy the most privilege and benefits from government.
Thus, it is important that the vote for President takes into account the commitment of the candidate to pursue such structural reforms. Among the present crop, it is only Ferdinand Marcos Jr. who has categorically stated that he is for the transition to a federal parliamentary form of government. All the other candidates are not in favor of charter change.
If we are serious about political and economic reform, we should scrutinize the governance platform of each candidate in order to determine who is the most committed to pursing radical change. It is easy for them to mouth motherhood statements about the bureaucracy and corruption but while relevant, there are more serious problems which need to be addressed as what has been enumerated above. These structural reforms are the key to a progressive Philippines and the solution to most of the economic problems we have long been facing.
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